Clinton [antikvár]

( rf^r INTRODUCTION At the height of the Vietnam War in 1968, the young German revolutionary Rudi Dutschlce appealed to the raging students of West Berlin to "commit yourselves like Mao's Chinese comrades to a Long March through the institutions of the state." A generation later, and an Atlantic Ocean away, Dutschke's call was to find a curious echo whenever the FOBs gathered, the Friends of Bill. "FOB" was how they were described on flight manifests on the chartered aircraft of the Clinton campaign. Seen up close, much of the Clinton campaign was the 1960s anti-Vietnam movement grown older and wiser and incomparably more ambitious. The institution of the state that beckoned from the end of this Long March was the White House itself Few of the FOBs had been wild-eyed radicals. They embodied the respectable wing of the movement. The man who became Clinton's national security adviser, Tony Lake, was a professor at Mount Holyoke College in Massachiasetts when he was asked to manage foreign policy for the Clinton campaign, commissioning working papers from the Democratic experts who had aged in their think-tank wilderness for the previous twelve years of Republican rule. In 1970, Lake had been one of the bright young State Department highfliers recruited by Henry Kissinger to work in President Nixon's National Security Council. Lake resigned in disgust at the invasion of Cambodia, and went on to work for Senator Edmund Muskie, the Democratic front-runner to challenge Nixon in 1972. Lake's deputy in the Clinton White House was to be Sandy Berger, a veteran of the McGovern campaign that rallied the antiwar movement to push Muskie aside and win the nomination.